Interview with Whistleblower Attorney Reuben A. Guttman on Using Complex False Claims Act Litigation to Fight Government Program Fraud

Nationally recognized and deeply respected by his peers for his work with the False Claims Act and other whistleblower litigation, his career is littered with landmark high impact cases.

A leader in fighting fraud, misconduct, and corruption through complex litigation, attorney Reuben A. Guttman knows exactly what it takes to bring these cases successfully.

We caught up with Mr. Guttman to discuss the fight against government program fraud and abuse, what it takes to litigate these complex cases, and more.

Listen to the complete interview here:

Can you share a little about your background and what made you choose this direction in law?

I graduated from Emory University School of Law in 1985 and before I went to law school, I worked for the local of a larger labor union, the Service Employees International Union was the union, and the local was the New York State Public Employees Federation. Graduated from college early, and I ultimately became the acting Director of Communications for the union and I got a sense of the needs of working people. Obviously, at the time we were doing work for 47,000 public employees, but understanding their issues of wages, their issues of benefits, their consumers that these public employee serviced. I got acclimated into the needs of consumers and workers and appreciated more than anything that in our world, if you want to make life better for people, you can mostly do it through the law.

Obviously it’s not just a question of passing law or getting regulation enacted, it’s a question of being able to litigate, so I went to Emory University Law School and I graduated in 1985. My first job out of law school was to work as a Washington counsel for the Service Employees International Union, which at that point had about 800,000 members and now it has grown to be probably the largest union in the nation, it’s got about two million members. I was extensively involved in litigation, complex litigation, involved in racketeering suits and involved in offensive or affirmative litigation with regard to the rights of workers.

In 1986, I completed litigation against Mellon Bank, which resulted in a three quarter of a million dollar settlement, which was a landmark at the time, which restored wages and benefits for 75 janitors working at Mellon Bank buildings in downtown Pittsburgh. That landmark settlement actually, from some perspective, began what was known for FCIU as the Justice for Janitors campaign. I also did work in the healthcare arena representing nursing home workers and other home healthcare workers across the country and public employees. I got some knowledge of the needs of these workers and the protections that they need on the job with regard to bloodborne pathogens and asbestos and so forth in the buildings and schools where you had school janitors.

When you work for a labor union, you get immersed in not only complex litigation, you get immersed in First Amendment issues, health and safety issues, wage and hour issues, antitrust issues, it’s a triage environment for a lawyer. I worked at FCIU from ’85 to ’90, and then I went into private practice in 1990, and I’ve always maintained some kind of involvement in the workplace. I was chief outside counsel to the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers for at least a decade, starting in 1992. The Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers […], they represented all the workers in the nuclear weapons industry and of course, all the workers in the chemical and refining industries throughout the country.

I was involved in a complex litigation with regard to nuclear weapons plants, Hanford and Oak Ridge and Fernald in Ohio, some of the projects that were part of the Manhattan project, which most people are familiar with. Major litigation that I did, I brought environmental litigation, which essentially ended up blocking the distribution of radioactive nickel from the compressors at the Oak Ridge K25 Plant, that was in the late 1990s. I had a litigation that restored wages and benefits to a number of workers and a litigation that ultimately was the catalyst for Congress passing Nuclear Workers Compensation legislation in the 1990s.

Now everybody who works at a nuclear weapons plant or had worked at a nuclear weapons plant is […] for radiogenic diseases and they get certain benefits if unfortunately they get the disease, and of course they get health insurance. I’d like to say that the catalyst for that was litigation that I brought in Ohio, involving workers who were exposed to radio nucleides at a nuclear weapons plant. Through my work in that sector and obviously work in representing some other unions and workers, I began to understand the … or better appreciate at least, the interface between the United States government and the private contractor workforce, and the nuclear weapons industry is a model for the relationship between the public and the private sector.

It was a foregone conclusion, I suppose, that I would become involved with litigation under the federal False Claims Act. I brought my first False Claims Act suit probably 25 years ago, and obviously the False Claims Act is a mechanism to allow private citizens to bring litigation on behalf of the United States government where they believe that the government has been cheated as a result of some wrongful conduct by an individual, or a vendor, or a company and so forth, and I’ve not limited my litigation to the False Claims Act. We’ve been pretty creative, we’ve litigated under Title VII of the Civil Rights Acts, 42 USC 1981 with regard to race discrimination, we’ve brought in antitrust claims, we have brought claims under ERISA.

We like to creatively explore the use of legal remedies to help working people and to bring redress where there’s wrongful conduct that needs to be redressed, exposed and made transparent.

Explain the False Claims Act and It’s Impact In Your Opinion?

I’ve taught law in China, I’ve been to China about 10 times, and taught law in Mexico. The one thing that is really unique about the US rule of law is that we believe in two things, we believe in having substantive law, in other words, a law in the book that says you can or can’t do certain things. Then we also believe in process, that is process regarding not only the rights of the accused, but also the mechanisms to bring and enforce the law or leverage compliance with the law.

We see this notion of leverage in, for example, federal statutes that allow for consumer litigation, consumer litigation with regard to a product that may be defective or for example, enforcement of the antitrust laws or enforcement of the civil rights laws, or enforcement of the environmental laws. All of these statutes have what are known as private attorney general components that allow individuals to bring suit to enforce the law where they themselves have sustained some kind of injury. In other words, the wrong has to impact them personally. These procedural leverage mechanism has really distinguish our rule of law from other rules of law in the sense that not only do we say something’s illegal, but we’ve also recognized that attorney generals at the state and federal level don’t necessarily have the resources to completely enforce the law, so we’ve created mechanisms for private citizens to get involved.

Now, in addition to these private attorney general provisions, we actually have something called the qui tam provision in one statute called the False Claims Act. Qui tam means bringing suit in the king in the name of the king. The False Claims Act originally goes back to the 1860s, the Civil War era and it was passed at a time when the Civil War was going on. And, and there was a concern in Congress that vendors, contractors doing work with the union army were not necessarily being as candid or honest with the government as they should be. Whether it was carrying from Union Army mules or providing muskets or rifles or other armaments, the statute was passed to allow for litigation against the wrongdoers, the statue was reinvigorated in 1986 and it was amended several times thereafter.

The ultimate impact of the statute is that we have a law on the books, which allows private citizens who have information about conduct that causes the government to wrongfully expend money. They can take that information, they can ball it into a lawsuit and they can file suit in a United States District Court, and they can sue where federal money is involved, US government money. There are at least 20 states that have similar statutes that allow for students to be brought where there are state money. How does this work? You have a worker, for example, who is working on a helicopter project and he or she sees that the helicopters are being purchased by the government, they’re not being made according to specifications.

The person may see a certificate provided to the government, which says, “I hereby certify these helicopters are delivered and they’re manufactured in accordance with specifications.” Hence a false claim has been made in support of payment. That person comes to you as a lawyer and says, “They weren’t made in accordance with specifications, there was a false claim submitted to the government in order to get the payment for the helicopters that were in fact delivered not in accordance with specification.” Therefore, there’s a wrong, and you take that information and you bring a lawsuit in the name of the United States government.

Individuals can bring these type of suits even though they themselves have not sustained actual injury, the government sustained an injury. Why is this okay under our constitution, which requires that in order to be in federal court a person must actually sustain individual injury? Well, the Supreme Court said that because the government gives these people a bounty, assigns a portion of the recovery to what we call relators or whistleblowers, then they actually have a stake in the action and they have what is known as injury in fact, they can bring suit in the name of the government. They cannot bring the suit if the information they’re relying on is a matter of public information, public meaning, it’s a term of art, it means in a newspaper report, it means in a government audit, it means in a congressional investigation.

It doesn’t mean that everybody generally knows about it, you actually have to trace the source. If in fact it’s public, an individual still can bring the suit, have standing or be allowed to go forward with the suit if they’re what’s known as an original source, meaning that perhaps they were the ones who made the information public or yes, it was a matter of public information, but they independently know of the wrong outside the context of the public disclosure. The False Claims Act is really this remarkable statute at the federal level that’s been emulated by at least 20 states, that allows for private citizens to be the watchdogs for federal monies or state monies, bring suit in the name of the government.

It’s resulted in literally, since the 1980s, in recovery of billions and billions of dollars to federal and state treasuries but more importantly, these actions have exposed wrongs that the government would not have otherwise known about. We have situations where whistleblowers have brought cases that have exposed illegal marketing tactics by the pharmaceutical industry, tactics that have put drugs in people that don’t need them, put drugs in people that caused risks, that have exposed situations where drugs have been adulterated, that is manufactured not in accordance with specifications, they don’t do what they’re supposed to do.

We’ve had cases where whistleblowers have brought to the government’s attention through litigation the procurement of Defense Department goods and services that are not adequate, helicopters that have parts that may cause soldiers injury, fighter jets that have engines that are defective, fighting vehicles or reconnaissance vehicles that are defective, all kinds of cases involving goods and services sold to the government. Situations where even in the education sector, we had a case where a university was paying kickbacks to recruit students who were coming to the university and having their education financed with federal loans. That’s a violation of regulations, it can’t be done. It’s a violation of the False Claims Act.

What’s remarkable about the False Claims Act is it not only gets to the individual or entity that files a false certification or provides a product or service with the implicit understanding that it was procured consistent with the regulations or contract, but it gets to the individual entity that actually causes the false claim to be filed. For example, if I have a subcontractor on a jet fighter contract and the subcontractor manufacturers the wing of a plane, not in accordance with specification and the general contractor submits an invoice to the Defense Department saying that the plane was made in accordance with specifications not even knowing that the wing wasn’t, you have a situation where a subcontractor caused a false claim to be filed.

There’s liability that’s quite extensive and the liability is broad and can be … the statute can be creatively applied. There are provisions in the statute which allow for false claims cases to be brought or an individual where an entity owes the government money and doesn’t provide the money that it should provide under a contract or a regulatory obligation.

For example, sometime ago we represented whistleblowers who understood that the oil industry was not properly rebating or paying to the government oil royalties that it owed on 21 million acres of land, leased for the pumping of oil and it was shorting the government on oil royalties. That what’s known as a reverse false claim, they’re not paying money that should be owed.

False Claims Act generally doesn’t apply to taxes that are owed, there are some exceptions with regard to a couple of states, New York is one of them, of somebody who understands that an individual or entity has tax liability that’s not been paid that’s potentially a false claim in the state of New York. The False Claims Act really applies to any situation where there’s government money involved, federal money, state money, local money, and state money and local money, or at least where you have a state statute that is in effect, Florida, for example, has one that applies only to healthcare. The ability to apply this statute is incredibly expansive, education, defense, healthcare, environment.

You think of any cabinet position and any agency that flows from that cabinet position, transportation for example, then you’re going to have False Claims Act situations or be able to use the False Claims Act.

Who is eligible to bring a False Claims Act suit, and could you briefly walk us through the process?

People ask me whether the False Claims Act is really just about employees and my answer is, “No, it’s anybody who has information about wrongdoing that affects the United States government with regard to the payment of monies or the state governments with regard to the payment of monies, anybody who has information that’s not public information.”

You could, for example, have … you could have somebody who’s a consumer, a patient and he is a Medicare recipient and he’s treated by a doctor and he knows that the doctor has upcoded, that is billed Medicare for services that he never got. That would be a classic example of where you don’t necessarily have to be an employee to be a whistle blower. You could have somebody who’s a family of a patient in a nursing home and the patient is either a Medicare patient or it’s a private pay patient but there are Medicare patients in the nursing home, and every time this family goes to visit the nursing home, they see improprieties. They begin to look the improprieties and they understand that the nursing home is not being run in accordance with the Medicare quality of care and quality of life regulations.

These people, although they’re not employees, they can technically be whistleblowers, but for the most part, a lot of the whistleblower cases are going to be brought by employees, people who are inside the workplace and they experience something day in and day out that they just don’t feel comfortable with. It’s a tough call because the average person goes… the average person spends most of their life split between work and home and work is an important part of your life. Nobody wants to feel that their employer is a crook, nobody wants to feel that they’re part of something that’s improper. For the most part, the average worker is going to give his employer some benefit of the doubt at least, because if the employee is happy, he or she is not going to want to rock the boat.

But after a while, there may come a time when the employee says, “You know what, morally, this is just bothersome. I can’t go to work every day knowing what I know and not doing something about it.” What that person knows may be a situation where the government’s being overbilled, the government’s being billed for a product that’s not made in accordance with specifications. The employer is doing something that’s not only costing the government money that it shouldn’t cost, but individuals are being put at risk because the product’s not being made according to specification or representations about the product or false.

We see this in off label marketing cases and the pharmaceutical industry where a sales representative, um, makes representations about a drug that are outside the scope of the drugs approved regulation. Typically, what will happen is the employee will do some soul searching, he or she may keep it quiet for a time being and keep it to themselves. They may begin to ask co-employees pointed questions, which at least enable that thought process, they may go to family members or friends and vet it by them. At a certain point it’ll be too hard for them to deal with by themselves. They’ll search out for a lawyer and they’ll want to find a lawyer first, who can guarantee confidence that whatever information is provided at least in the consult stage is going to be subject to the attorney client privilege.

The obligation of the lawyers at least to provide level of assurance and a good lawyer will do that. The initial goal of the employee will be to determine whether they have something to worry about. Three things, one is do they have personal liability for what’s going on? In other words, have they been part of the wrongful conduct. Two, can they continue to work in the workplace? And three, what if any action can they take? The what if any action they can take is maybe they are assured through their conversation with a lawyer there’s nothing wrong and their concerns are without basis, that’s a not action, I suppose.

The other is that it’s so bad that they just can’t be in the workplace anymore and the third is that there’s a possibility of bringing a lawsuit and if the lawsuit is brought and it’s brought under the False Claims Act because there’s government money involved, obviously that person becomes what’s known as a relator. The case is filed under seal, before the lawsuit is filed, disclosure is made to the United States government. The disclosure is a document that becomes the roadmap for federal agents to continue to look at the case and it includes witnesses, lists of documents, the basic factual allegations. The lawsuit itself, when I say it’s filed under seal, but I mean it’s filed in the United States district court and it’s not served on the defendant.

It served on the United States government and where state monies involved the lawsuit will name the states and it will be served on the states. The government and the states will get together, the federal government and the states will get together and they’ll investigate the case, initially for a period of six months. Then they will ask for what’s known as an extension of the seal generally and this me and this may go on for two years. During the two year process civil investigative demands for information may be issued to the defendant and others that have information, the applicable agencies that are involved. If it’s an education case or a vendor for the Department of Education, the Department of Education’s Inspector General’s office may issue what are known as agency subpoenas.

If there is a termination that what’s alleged also has criminal implications where there’s criminal conduct involved, mail fraud, wire fraud, violations, criminal violations of the Food, Drug, and Cosmetisc Act, anti-trust violations, we’ve seen what are known as parallel prosecutions meaning that there’s not only an investigation under the False Claims Act, but the criminal division of the United States Department of Justice or the criminal sections for state attorney generals offices get their marching orders and send their troops out. There may be criminal liability that will be investigated and we’ve had cases where the end result is the defendant will pay money under the False Claims Act.

They’ll execute it in agreement with the applicable agency outlining their conduct going forward, what they can and can’t do, it’s called a corporate integrity agreement, and there may or may not be a guilty plea, where fines are paid, people go to prison or a company is put on probation for example. That’s generally the process that occurs first, it’s a person trying to reconcile what they’re seeing as being improper, there’s some soul searching. That soul searching may be internal to the person, external in terms of the individuals they consult. Ultimately they’ll reach out to an attorney, the attorney will investigate the matter fully to make sure that the case has some merit, if it’s to be filed.

Then it will be brought to the attention of the United States government Justice Department and the various state attorney generals, a lawsuit will be filed under seal, there’ll be cooperation with the government, the government will do its investigation, the case will remain under seal. If the government determines that the case has merit, it will intervene, and it’ll intervene either to settle the case or to litigate the case. If it litigates the case, it will litigate the case alongside the relator and its counsel or the government may simply say, “You know what, we were going to pass on intervening but you’re free to take up the case.”

In rare circumstances where the case has absolutely no merit but extremely rare circumstances, the government may move to dismiss the case, but generally if a lawyer is doing his job at the investigation stage, they’re not going to be taking one of those types of cases, they’re going to weed those cases out pretty quickly.

Who is NOT eligble to bring a qui tam action under the FCA?

Who really has the ability to bring a False Claims Act case? Here’s the first question, the first question is, is there government money involved? The second question, is the conduct causing the government to wrongfully pay out money? The third question is, do I, as a potential whistleblower, know this because it’s a matter of public record?

What do I mean by a matter of public record? I mean that a person cannot bring a False Claims Act when the allegations as alleged in the potential action are publicly disclosed in a federal, criminal, civil or administrative hearing in which the government or its agent is a party, in a congressional government accountability office or other federal report hearing, audit or investigation or from the news media. That is called the Public Disclosure Bar, you cannot bring a suit if it was publicly disclosed. When I say publicly disclosed, I mean exactly as I’ve defined public disclosure.

The exceptions to public disclosure is the original source rule, meaning, do I know the information independent of this public disclosure? Do I have privity with the wrongdoing, in the sense I’ve witnessed it, was I in the workplace, do I know about it from my own eyes? And ears as opposed to reading it secondhand in a newspaper?

Why do companies violate the law, shouldn’t they know better?

My experience is that companies violate the law because it’s part of their business model because it’s cheaper for them to violate the law than comply with the law. Even if they’re caught, it’s cheaper for them to pay the penalty than to take the prophylactic actions necessary to comply with the law. For example, suppose you’re a nursing home in Florida and the regulations require that you have to have a backup generator in case there’s a power failure, and obviously Florida knows that there are power failures when there are hurricanes.

Suppose the backup generator costs $30,000, but the nursing home determines that rather than pay the $30,000, the fine for not having a generator may be $5,000. They’ve made a determination that they’d rather pay the penalty, which is essentially the fee for the license to break the law, and we see this over and over and over again. It’s not just corporations, it’s average people. Suppose you’re driving your car down the street and you can’t find a parking space, there’s no parking space but there’s a parking lot and the parking lot will charge you $30 to park, but you see a no parking zone. Well, you say to yourself, “What’s the ticket going to cost? A ticket is going to cost $6 or $10. Is that cheaper than buying a space in a parking lot for $30?” So you say, “Well, it’s cheaper to pay the price to break the law.”

Companies calculate this all the time, they calculate what they think the penalty is going to be, and they calculate the possibility of even paying the penalty. The wonderful thing about the False Claims Act, is that the False Claims Act actually makes it harder to calculate the penalty. Why? Because first of all, the statute imposes, triple, three times the actual damages to the United States government or the state governments and second, the False Claims Act imposes up to a $20,000 civil penalty for every false claim that was filed. For example, if I submit a thousand bills and each bill is a false bill, the actual damages may only accrue to let’s say $100,000 but I could have easily $1 million or $2 million in civil penalties. So, the false claims act takes that calculus out of the mix.

The general rule is, and I say general rule, not the rule that you abide by, but my general observation about companies is of course in the first instance it’s greed. In the second instance, it’s integrated into their business model and nine times out of 10, we can look at a financial reports that is 10-Ks, 10-Qs, the things that are the documents that are filed by publicly traded companies where the Securities and Exchange Commission, and we can get a pretty good sense as to whether the company has a business model that is either over the line, crossing the line in terms of legal propriety or pretty close to the line in terms of legal propriety. We’ll literally see statements and financial reports, where the company says, we can’t guarantee that we’re in compliance with X, Y, and Z law.

We see it, for example, in the healthcare arena where the company may say, “Well, we think we’re in compliance with the Anti-Kickback Statute, but we can’t guarantee compliance with the Anti-Kickback Statute”. Well, somewhere along the line, the company’s calculated into their business model the notion that if in fact they’re caught violating the law, the penalty is going to be X and Y, and they can afford to pay, pay that penalty, no worries. Consumers who are consumers, employees, whistleblowers, people who are in the business of reporting fraud, either by happenstance or because they’re morally compelled to do so, they actually can take that calculus out of the mix.

What is the role of the whistleblower attorney?

Well, first of all, if you want to bring a suit under the federal False Claims after the state False Claims Act, the government requires that you’d be represented by an attorney. Why? Because in the first instance, you are bringing the suit in the name of the United States government or the state government and your claim will be styled as John Smith or USX Rel John Smith versus the Doe Corporation. Where the government is the real party in interest, the government requires that an attorney appear on its behalf, that’s the most important thing to know. The second is that these statutes, the federal and state False Claims Acts actually provide for a bounty. If you merely just call a government hotline, the first thing is that you’re not necessarily going to be entitled to any bounty. In order to qualify for a bounty or put yourself in line for a bounty, you actually have to file a case under the federal and state False Claims Acts.

There are other whistleblower statutes, the Securities and Exchange Commission has one, it’s an administrative statute, the Internal Revenue Service has as an administrative statute, the False Claims Act statutes are the only ones that allow for actual litigation to be filed in the state or federal court. The thing is, is that when you put one of these suits in play, you’re controlling the case, you’re controlling the investigation, whereas if you merely just call a hotline somebody can answer the hotline, take down the information. There’s no obligation for them to get back to you, they’re not going to report back to you, for example, in two months saying, “Your claims or your claims are invalid.”

Once you file a case in a state or a federal court under the False Claims Act, state or federal False Claims Act, the court is monitoring their case. There’s going to be a judge overseeing the case, the government has to report back to you, the government is required to do an investigation. Filing a suit under the false claims act compels the government to do an investigation, it does so because it’s overseen by a federal or a state court judge, you’re going to be in a position where you’re going to know exactly what the government’s found. It’s more satisfying, there’s more comfort and there’s certainly more control. The only way you can put yourself through this process is if you have a lawyer, that’s just what the law requires.

Does the False Claims Act harm companies for honest mistakes?

The guts of the False Claims Act contain language like this, knowingly presents or causes to be presented a false or fraudulent claim for payment or approval, knowingly makes, uses or caused to be made or used a false record or statement material to a false or fraudulent claim. The question is what does the term knowing, or knowingly mean? The False Claims Act actually contains a definition of these words, and this is what it says, the terms knowing and knowingly mean that a person with respect to information has actual knowledge of the information, acts in deliberate ignorance of the truth or falsity of the information or acts in reckless disregard of the truth or falsity of the information and requires no proof of specific intent to defraud.

What does that mean? It means that you cannot bury your head in the sand if you’re doing business with United States government, Justice Holmes once said in an old case, that you’ve got to turn square corners. You have an obligation to know the law, you have an obligation to know whether your product meets specifications, you have an obligation to know whether your services meet specifications and you have an obligation to know whether what you’re doing is in compliance with the law. You can’t simply claim ignorance. It is possible that you could have done everything in your orbit of control to prevent a False Claims Act from being filed and thus not be in violation of the False Claims Act, but it is also possible that you could act recklessly, act without disregard, act grossly negligently, and that will substitute for intent. It is a standard that is not hard for a federal civil prosecutor or a state civil prosecutor or an attorney prosecuting these cases to meet.

What’s it take to investigate and prove these complex cases involving fraud, misconduct and abuse?

Well, in the first instance when a client comes to us, they’ll have a sense that what’s going on, let’s say in the workplace, is improper. We’re going to determine whether the impropriety involves some money that was paid out by the federal or state governments or whether there were statements made to the federal state governments or state governments that were false, whether there was money that was paid out that shouldn’t have been paid out, so we’re going to look at that basic information. We are going to look at if it’s a public company, we’re going to look at what’s motivating the impropriety, what representations were made to Wall Street, what demands Wall Street was making on the company, what was the market pressure at the time, was the illegality…

For example, marketing illegality in the pharmaceutical industry is often driven by market pressure. We’re going to look at the bonus structure of employees, we’re going to look at whether the CEO or the chairman or the directors are making money off these allegedly illegal activities. We’re going to go on YouTube, we’re going to look at everything that’s available about the individual actors on YouTube. We’re going to look at their videos, we’re going to look at Facebook, we’re going to look at LinkedIn, we’re going to gather as much information as we can to see if we can get more context in terms of what our client is saying. Then our clients may have, for example, documents that are within his or her custody or control, we’re not going to ask that our clients take documents from the workplace. We don’t want the client to take documents from the workplace.

But if the client has in documents that were handed to hear him or her, we’re going to look at those documents as long as they’re not attorney client privilege, we don’t want to see anything that’s attorney client privilege, so it will take us some time to put this case together. We’re going to put together a complaint, meaning a cause of action that’s going to be filed at the the court and we’re going to put together a disclosure statement. Disclosure statement, as I said, is the document that’s the roadmap for the investigation. We’re going to keep in mind that agency investigators are going to be looking at the case, FBI agents are going to be looking at the case, attorney general staffers and attorneys are going to be looking at the case. There’s going to be a myriad of individuals who are going to be all of a sudden swarming, in theory, because of the allegations we’ve made and we want them to be looking at this roadmap.

If the case goes more than a year or two years, there may be people who leave the investigation or people who come on to the investigation and we want to make sure that there’s a document that they can always turn to, that they can get a quick synopsis of what the case is about, the central allegations, the witnesses, the key documents. The government is going to take a look at this when they get the complaint, when they get the disclosure statement and the first thing the law enforcement people are going to do is they’re going to say, “What agency is involved?” If it’s a healthcare situation, they may go to the Health & Human Services Agency or maybe the subdivision of that, the Center for Medicare Services, and they’re going to share with them the complaint.

They’re going to say, “What’s the spend here? How much money was spent on these products or services as to these allegations? If in fact these allegations are true, do you, the agency think that there was a wrong committed?” They’re going to get the agency’s view of the case and obviously we’re going to have a sense of where the agency is going to be in terms of the law because we’re not going to bring a case unless we understand that the law has been violated. Obviously the agency, if they believe the law is violated or we’ve alleged violation of the law, they’re going to be concerned. Then, the government is going to launch their investigation after they consult with the agency and the agency looks at what they have internally.

There may be more than one agency involved, for example, in a drug case, a drug is being sold illegally, that is marketed illegally. It could be a drug that’s purchased by 50 state Medicaid agencies, it could be a drug that’s purchased by the Veterans Administration, it could be a drug that’s reimbursed by Tricare, which is the military insurance entity, it could be a drug that’s paid for by any of the state health and welfare funds… There’s a myriad of entities that actually may be involved, they’re going to weigh in and going to chime in on what their perspective of the lawsuit is. There’s this inward investigation that the government’s going to do, and that’s just checking with their own people and own agencies.

The second thing the government’s going do is they’re going to look at your documents, what documents you’ve given them, and they may obviously do that before they talk to the agencies or contemporaneous with it. The third thing the government’s going to do is they’re going to issue either civil investigative demands, agency subpoenas, or they’re going to issue grand jury subpoenas depending on whether a criminal activity is implicated. Those subpoenas are going to, are going to require the production of documents and the government’s going to review all those documents. Once they review all those documents, they’ll begin to send agents out into the field and the way they’ll do an investigation, something I’ve written about, is they’ll start from the outside in.

They’ll look at former employees or vendors, then they’ll look at current employees, and they’ll go up the food chain and begin to focus on some of the management employees. Then ultimately they’ll go to the top of the food chain and the directors and CEO of the company and they may along the lines subpoena information from their laptops and so forth. The government could do hundreds of these interviews and this may take a period of two years or so, three years. Then once they collect all the information, and there’ll be doing this along the way with sharing the information with the agencies, they may get back to you as counsel for the relator saying, “This is what we’ve found. Can you give us some more insight on this issue or that issue, or what does your client have to say about this issue or that issue?”

Sometimes as the government collects the information or the documents, they’re going to put them on a database and they’re going to allow you as the counsel for the whistleblower to review the database and actually help the government with document review and point out which documents you think are important. Ultimately this is going to result in some kind of conclusion that the Justice Department or the state attorney generals are going to make and it’s going to, in most cases, be a binary decision making process, “Are we going to intervene in the case, are we not going to intervene in the case?” If they intervene in the case, they become part of the case and they may decide to litigate it or they may decide to settle it.

Nine times out of 10, they’ll talk to the defendant, they’ll do what’s called a partial unsealing the last of the court to partially unseal the complaint, and the government won’t ask for that without the permission of the relator and the partial unsealing of the complaint, will allow the defendant to actually for the first time see the complaint. Sometimes the defendant will see it with the relator’s name and sometimes the defendant won’t see it with relator’s name, and sometimes they’ll see the entirety of the complaint, sometimes certain portions will be redacted, that is blacked out.

That will allow for at least a discussion about settlement and of course prior to this decision on intervention, the government at the point it’s making a decision probably is going to call the defendant in and say, “This is what we found, what’s your position on it?” And they’re going to hear the defendant’s position. This entire process allows the government to engage in a lot of free discovery, free meaning, not that it doesn’t cost the government anything, but the government is not fighting off discovery from the defendant at this time, it’s just getting information. It’s getting information, it can bounce the information off the defendant, it can get to defendant’s position, and it’s in a pretty darn good a position to ascertain whether this case is a good case and one that it should jump into, pursue or settle.

If it intervenes, that’s the direction it takes. It pursues it or it’s settles it, it becomes the lead with relator’s counsel. If it doesn’t, it says to the relator’s counsel, “You’re free to go pursue the case on your own.” Sometimes that happens and sometimes the relator will determine that the government’s investigation has determined that there really is no merit to the case. Generally if you investigate the case enough up front, you’ll get a sense that the case is good enough to litigate even absent government intervention.

What would you say to a whistleblower who is concerned over facing off against these BIG corporations with, what feels like, unlimited resources?

I’ve had so many clients who have come to me at the end of the day after a case is settled and said, “I can’t believe we did it, I can’t believe we’ve taken on this multibillion-dollar enterprise and made them change the way that they do business, made them pay the United States government hundreds of millions of dollars,” in one case, way over $1 billion, actually in a couple of cases way over a billion dollars. My answer to them is, “This is what the litigation process is about. In the United States, an individual who is in the right can walk into a federal or state court and he can take on the most well healed defendant, corporate or otherwise and change the way America does business.”

There’s no better way to do that, at least from the consumer vantage point than through the False Claims Act. You get to step into a court and you’re litigating on behalf of the United States of America and various states. Where a company is in the wrong, it doesn’t make a difference whether it’s publicly traded, it doesn’t make a difference whether it’s got a market cap of $10 billion, if they’re in the wrong, you could be an individual who has a net worth of $2,000 or less and still change the way that entity does business. And, make money for yourself, compensate yourself for the risks that you’ve taken, get the reward and obviously return lost dollars to the United States of America.

To an insider with knowledge of fraud and considering blowing the whistle — what do they need to know?

The choice to become a whistleblower is an iterative process and it should be an iterative process, You should give due consideration to it. You want to be in a relationship with an attorney who cares about you and you want to be in a relationship with an attorney whom you like, and you want to be in a relationship with an attorney who has litigated cases, tried cases, understands what this case is going to look like in front of a judge, how it’s going to be perceived by the government, the difficulties in putting the case together, the difficulties in putting the evidence together. It’s not a flip decision and it shouldn’t be. Decisions that aren’t flip in there made a with due consideration, maybe even some doubt, those are the best kinds of decisions because they result in really good relationships with an attorney and they result in cases that are brought for all the right reasons.

Cases can be drawn out and they’re going to be days that are going to be good days or where you’re going to see what you perceive as some glimmer of hope and some days where it’s going to look a bit darker. At the end of the day, hopefully you’re going to say to yourself that this is one of the things that you’re going to be most proud of at the end of your life.

How common is fraud against government programs?

The government operates through the private sector, you can’t imagine how many vendors the United States government does business with. Think about your public school, walk into the cafeteria, there’s a food service vendor, they’re a contractor that’s putting food in your kids’ mouths.

Walk outside. The public school grass has being cut, maybe it’s being cut by a contractor, go into a public hospital, there may be contractors who do the cleaning, there may be contractors who provide X-ray services. Certainly there are contractors who were building the hospital and certainly there are contractors who are selling the drugs and the equipment, the medical devices to the hospital. Think about the United States military, we fly F-16s, F-15s, F-35s, all of these planes, the greatest technology known to the United States military are the products of the private sector. We rely on the private sector to be truthful, we rely on the private sector to make products that are safe, but you know what, the private sector’s the private sector.

They have obligations to Wall Street, they have obligations to hedge funds and investors, people who all owe nothing about whether an F-35 jet engine works or doesn’t work. They just care about the bottom line, the stock price and sometimes greed and money drive impropriety. Nine times out of 10, that impropriety, when it involves a company that does business with the United States government implicates lost tax payer dollars and taxpayers, individual people are being put in physical jeopardy.

How do attorneys protect the whistleblowers who come forward to expose wrongdoing?

The best protection that you have is actually filing a suit in cooperating with the United States government or state attorney general because once you’re cooperating with government entity, it makes it more difficult for an employer to either terminate you or alter your terms and conditions of employment. If you’re blowing the whistle internally, there’s no outside regulator involved.

Obviously there’s nothing that can preclude anybody from doing something wrong, but there are deterrence mechanisms and there are certainly retaliation avenues. The deterrence mechanisms are, A, cooperating with a federal or state agency, involving those agencies in the grievance, number one. Number two, you should know that there are multiple mechanisms or avenues that one can take, an attorney can take if an employee has been retaliated because they’re bringing a wrongdoing to the attention of a regulator or even the employer. There are common law remedies, there are statutory remedies and the federal and state false claims act have very, very stringent have anti-retaliation provisions.

How important are whistleblowers in fighting fraud?

Whistleblowers do a lot in terms of bringing corporate fraudsters to justice. As many lawyers as the United States Department of Justice have and as many resources they have and as many state attorney generals as exist, really there are so many corporations and so many wrongdoers that insiders are the key to enforcing compliance in this century. In fact, two centuries ago when it was recognized by the United States Congress, when the False Claims Act was first initiated, the role of whistleblowers would be paramount. In the first instance, whistleblowers play an important role, in the second instance, with the help of the whistleblowers and the counsel that they bring to the table, companies are brought to justice, and they’re brought to justice in at least three possible ways.

First of all, the scheme that’s revealed by the whistleblowers becomes transparent and people know what to look for in terms of other wrongdoers who seek to emulate impropriety. The second is that there is going to be a penalty in terms of the assessment of actual damages, it’s multiplied times three, and there’s going to be civil penalties that may be imposed. That number, whatever that number is, that dollar figure sends a message that wrongdoing is punished. The third, is that in some rare situation there are what are known as parallel proceedings where the United States government Civil Division or the attorney generals of the states and their Civil Divisions, have parallel proceedings with their criminal divisions and the criminal division gets to work.

It looks at the facts that have been presented by the whistleblower and says, “You know what, we think that there’s criminal liability to be imposed on companies and potentially individuals.” Back towards the end of the Obama administration when Sally Yates was the Deputy Attorney General of the United States, she issued what was known as the famous Yates Memorandum, I think it was September 15th, 2015. What she said is that whenever there’s a civil settlement with a corporation, that the Justice Department should look at individual liability as well, particularly because individuals are the captains of the corporation, corporations can only act through the wrongful conduct or conduct of the individuals as the case may be.

The trend is not only to look to impose liability on the corporation, but liability on individuals. Obviously not line employees who are unwitting participants in schemes at times, but those who actually captained the scheme and orchestrated the scheme, the government’s looking to impose liability. So yes, compliance in the United States is a complicated process, it’s an ongoing process, it’s an iterative process. It’s process that’s repetitive and reminds people that not only do we have substantive laws and regulations, but we have processes to enforce the laws and regulations and we have penalties that we impose as reminders that these regulations deserve compliance.

What would you say to an insider who is scared to come forward?

We’ve had cases where there have been whistleblowers who have had exposure in the sense that they’ve participated in the scheme. Sometimes they were unwitting participants, many times the best whistleblowers are unwitting participants and they reach a point where they wake up one day and they say, “Oh my God, this isn’t right.” Then we have had, in rare circumstances or cases, whistleblowers who actually were part of orchestrating the scheme and they actually may have some exposure, under the False Claims Act, either as capable of bringing a claim. There are some complexities where the individual has more exposure and you have to analyze those on a case by case basis.

Is there a statute of limitations for coming forward to report false claims act violations?

The False Claims Act has a minimum six year statute of limitations, at least at the federal level and mostly at the state level, that’s what the statute of limitations is. Depending on the circumstances, the statute of limitations can be as lengthy as 10 years. That sounds like a lot of time, but it does take some time for an individual whistleblower to be cognizant of what’s going on in the workplace, put the pieces together and really understand that there is wrongdoing that needs to be reported, time lapses when that’s going on. Obviously it’s important for the whistleblower at the earliest possible point in time to a consult with an attorney and figure out if there’s something wrong in the workplace, what needs to be done, what if any actions the individual whistleblower should take, and what if any actions should be taken by the attorney on the whistleblower’s behalf.

What’s it take to prove and win in such complex cases?

False Claims Act litigation is complex, high impact litigation. What do I mean by that? What I mean by that is it involves putting together schemes, big schemes which are really complex puzzles. You have to know the federal rules of evidence or the local state rules of evidence. You have to understand that these schemes are not put together necessarily with direct evidence, they’re put together with circumstantial evidence, and if you’re really someone who knows and understands the rules of evidence, who knows that the federal rules of evidence, Rule 401 doesn’t distinguish between direct and circumstantial evidence. What you’re looking for is lots of little nuggets that you can piece together and you’re sitting there and methodically putting these nuggets together, and you’re creating a narrative that explains the behavior of a wrongdoer, and you’re looking at the motivations, you’re going back.

You’re doing the economic analysis in the sense that you’re looking at the financial reports, what’s filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission, what otherwise me maybe available online, what’s motivating this entity or entities to engage in what they’re doing. These are complex cases, they’re not run of the mill slip and fall cases with one or two witnesses. They’re document intensive cases, their documents are electronically stored so there’s going to be some retrieval issues, there’s going to be electronic discovery issues, they’re cases that are driven by experts who are the glue that put the case together in the sense that they explain to the court the judge or the jury the context of the case, or they may help enabling the court to understand the regulatory scheme or the damages.

They’re cases that are going to take the patience of a lawyer who understands how to try a case, understands ultimately what that argument is going to look like when all the evidence, all the evidence is in and he or she stands in front of the jury and makes that closing case for the whistleblower.

What do you see on the horizon as the future of false claims used to defraud Government?

Greed is centuries old, if you read the Bible, new or the Old Testament, there is no dearth of stories where greed is prevalent, wrong doing is prevalent. We regulate to proscribe wrongdoing, we regulate to create mechanisms to enforce compliance with substantive laws to address wrongdoing. Anywhere there is money, there’s going to be wrongdoing, there’s going to be schemes that circumvent legitimate means to get to the money.

The other night I was looking at the Department of Education’s website and just looking at all of the contracts that are being let to the private sector. From things as small as photography to as complicated as data analysis or the implementation of school lunch programs, there is no shortage of situations where there’s going to be fraudsters looking at how to cheat the government out of the money. Moving from the Department of Education to the Department of Defense, anybody who’s seen the … it’s actually a black comedy, War Dogs, and how two individuals in their 20s conspired to cheat the Department of Defense out of millions and millions of dollars.

You watch that movie you’ll see in some ways how easy it is to cheat the United States government and think not only about the United States government and all its agencies, Defense Department, Education Department, Environmental Protection Agency, office of the Treasury, General Services Administration. You go through the streets in Washington where we have our office and you’ll see just building after building government agencies, the Department of Labor and every one of these agencies has a budget and they let contracts with the private sector. So, wherever there’s government money, there’s going to be fraud.

What if you’re involved in the misconduct? Why should your reach out with what you know?

If you’re involved in the healthcare industry, you may be working for a large pharmaceutical company or a large hospital or nursing home chain, you’re working for an employer that at least has the indication, the appearance of propriety.

You say to yourself, “I see some things going on in the workplace that I’m just not comfortable with, but they must be okay because it’s a big company. They have a corporate compliance department, they have lawyers, they have experts, they’re traded on the New York Stock Exchange, they issue press releases, they give me nice handbags that I can carry my awareness with, they have all the indicia propriety.” You know what, your instincts to be something that you should be concerned about, size, the fact that they look big, the fact that they look professional, the fact that they look good doesn’t mean that they’re not violating the law. When you get that concern, think about it and it’s important that you call a lawyer, if for no other reason to get peace of mind.

Bounce what’s going on off the lawyer to determine whether your concerns are valid and if they’re not valid, okay, you have peace of mind. And if they are valid, then what are the next steps? Do you leave the workplace, do you continue to work, do you raise issues internally, do you take action by filing a claim under the federal False Claims Act or other possible statutes that exist? These are decisions that you really, really need expert help with and in selecting a lawyer, you really need to talk to somebody who has worked under the False Claims Act, represented whistleblowers, done employment law and most importantly knows how to put cases together for trial. Somebody who litigated cases, taken depositions, done motions practice, argued before a jury and is not afraid to go that kind of distance.

To Summarize: What’s Your Parting Message?

When you see situations where government money is being wasted or where there has been fraud and abuse with regard to government money, billing for services not rendered, billing for products that don’t work, billing for products, drugs, devices that aren’t necessary, there’s an opportunity for you to participate in an important provision of our democracy.

Listen to the complete interview here.
Source: https://www.lawsuitlegal.com/interview/attorney-reuben-guttman.php

Whistleblower lawyers to Grassley: Make Barr commit to False Claims cases

(Reuters) – A coalition of academics, public interest groups and lawyers who represent whistleblowers sent a letter Thursday to outgoing U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley, calling on the Iowa Republican to protect one of his own signature pieces of legislation, the False Claims Act, when Attorney General nominee William Barr comes before the Senate later this month in confirmation hearings.

As I reported Wednesday, Barr has previously called the FCA, which offers a bounty to private whistleblowers who file fraud suits on behalf of the U.S. government, an unconstitutional “abomination.” As the head of the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel in 1989 – three years after Senator Grassley and others in Congress overhauled the FCA to spark prosecution of fraud against the U.S., Barr wrote an opinion highlighting what he considered to be constitutional violations in the law’s whistleblower provisions. The U.S. Supreme Court rejected some constitutional challenges to the FCA in a unanimous ruling in 2000, but Barr said in 2001 that he still considered the law unconstitutional.

“I felt then, and feel now, that is an abomination and a violation of the appointments clause under the due powers of the president,” Barr told interviewers from the University of Virginia, who were compiling an oral history of George H.W. Bush’s presidency. Barr said in the 2001 interview he wanted the Bush Justice Department to attack the constitutionality of the FCA but was opposed by then-Solicitor General Kenneth Starr.

A source close to Barr’s confirmation process told me Wednesday that the AG nominee will back down from that view when he goes before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Jan. 15. “Barr has recently told others that his prior comments are outdated,” the source said. “He believes the Department of Justice’s current approach to the False Claims Act is sufficient to protect federal interests and that a constitutional challenge would not be warranted.”

But one of the lawyers who organized the letter sent to Grassley on Thursday said it’s not enough for the AG nominee to promise not to challenge the FCA’s private whistleblower provisions. “The issue is whether he is going to support anti-fraud cases,” said Reuben Guttman of Guttman Buschner & Brooks. ”There are a ton of ways the Justice Department can put fingers on the scale to tip the balance.”

Guttman and his fellow signators – including former U.S. District Judges Nancy Gertner and Michael Burrage, former South Carolina U.S. Attorney Bill Nettles and Government Accountability Project legal director Tom Devine – asked Senator Grassley to press Barr about his past views of the FCA, including his description of the law as an abomination. The AG nominee, they said, must “be called upon to commit the resources necessary at both the local and national levels to ensure vigorous and complete enforcement of the False Claims Act should he be confirmed.”

Guttman told me the letter writers deliberately avoided inflammatory language and tone. “We wanted to be honest brokers, to say, Senator Grassley, we know you care about this issue,” Guttman said. “The letter is to set the issue up for continued oversight.” Other whistleblower lawyers have been more strident about Barr’s nomination. Stephen Kohn of Kohn Kohn & Colapinto, who said in an alert for the National Whistleblower Center that Barr has shown “extreme animus and hostility” to whistleblowers, told me the nominee should not be confirmed unless he repudiates his old views.

“I would hope the Judiciary Committee questions him very aggressively,” Kohn said. “If he does not defend qui tam relators and renounce his previous position he is not fit to be attorney general.”

Grassley, who is expected to cede chairmanship of the Senate Judiciary Committee to Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, has championed the FCA for more than 30 years. In a 2018 speech on the Senate floor, Grassley called the statute “the most effective tool the government has” to protect taxpayers from fraud. The Justice Department recovered nearly $3 billion last year in FCA settlements and judgments. Since the Civil War-era law was overhauled in 1986, the government has won nearly $60 billion from defendants whose frauds were revealed by private whistleblowers suing on its behalf.

The big worry for whistleblower lawyers is that a Barr-led Justice Department can quietly muzzle the FCA without a splashy constitutional challenge. When private citizens file an FCA suit alleging government fraud, the case is filed under seal to give the Justice Department an opportunity to investigate the whistleblower’s allegations. At the end of that investigation, DOJ can decide to intervene in the case, which is then largely prosecuted by the government, or to decline to intervene. Historically, DOJ has generally allowed private whistleblowers to continue to litigate FCA cases even if the government chooses not to pursue them. The FCA requires the Justice Department to sign off on all FCA dismissals and settlements, even in cases in which DOJ has not intervened.

So one way for the Justice Department to slow FCA litigation, say whistleblower lawyers, would be to decline to intervene in good cases. Another would be to call for the dismissal of cases in which it has decided not to get involved. The Justice Department, said FCA defense lawyer Alex Hontos of Dorsey & Whitney, has already indicated a more aggressive stance on such cases in a 2018 memo from Civil Fraud Section Director Michael Granston. Under Barr, Hontos said, the Granston framework could be even more rigorously enforced.

Or DOJ could quietly refuse to defend the FCA in cases in which it has declined to take over the prosecution of fraud claims. In the past, Kohn said, DOJ has intervened when FCA defendants attack the law itself. In 2018, for instance, Justice Department lawyers submitted a strongly-worded brief at the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals (2018 WL 780484), rejecting an FCA defendant’s arguments that separation of powers doctrine bars private whistleblowers from proceeding when DOJ declines to pursue their claims. (The 10th Circuit ended up ducking the constitutional issue because the defendant failed to raise it in the trial court.)

Guttman said that the Justice Department stepped in as an amicus twice in a Medicare fraud case his firm brought against the pharmaceutical company Celgene even though DOJ had declined to take up the case. With those crucial boosts from government lawyers, Guttman said, the case ended with a $280 million settlement in 2017. About $200 million of that went to the U.S. government.

“A hostile Justice Department,” Kohn said, “would destroy the practical use of the law.”

A spokesman for Grassley did not respond to an email requesting comment on Thursday’s letter.

Article also available on line here

Optimizing regulatory compliance enforcement in a global economy

AJC.com | By Paul Zwier and Reuben Guttman |

With regional offices of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Atlanta is not just a center of international trade, it is also a center for compliance enforcement.

With the growth of multinational corporations whose businesses are not defined by geographic boundaries, government agencies and their regional offices that enforce compliance must leverage limited resources to maintain a watchful eye and enforce the laws. Today, this may mean collection of evidence abroad.

The notion of leveraging resources to enforce compliance is not new. In the 1960s and 1970s when our nation passed sweeping legislation proscribing discrimination and protecting the environment, citizens suit provisions were bolted into these laws so that average taxpayers could initiate litigation where government regulators failed to take action. And of course, at a state level, a myriad of consumer protection statutes now provides citizens with the right to seek enforcement of substantive law.

Consistent with our tradition of citizen involvement in compliance enforcement, the United States has laws that, under limited circumstances, allow whistleblowers to take action even where they have not been personally aggrieved.

Federal and State False Claims Acts allow citizens to bring suit in the name of the government where they have information that the government has sustained economic injury through fraudulent or other types of wrongful conduct.

Under the Dodd Frank Amendments to Federal Securities laws, citizens can now report claims of securities fraud to the Securities and Exchange Commission.

The IRS has regulations allowing whistleblowers to bring information about tax cheats to the attention of that agency.

Under the FCA, Dodd Frank and the IRS provisions, whistleblowers are incentivized and thus compensated for their efforts with a bounty where their information or litigation leads to government recovery.

Under the False Claims Act alone, the government has recovered billions of dollars, but more importantly FCA litigation has surfaced information about the honesty of the drug industry, the quality of care provided at nursing homes, the safety of public transportation systems, and the integrity of products integral to our nation’s defense.

In an era where consumer products are manufactured abroad and shipped into domestic ports of entry like Atlanta, and drug trials necessary to secure FDA approval are often conducted abroad with little immediate supervision from the Food and Drug Administration, whistleblowers have become a mainstay of compliance enforcement. They bring forward original information or analysis, technical expertise, and through knowledge of language and culture, the ability to report wrongdoing that would otherwise go undetected.

Yet, at the same time whistleblowers add value, there is a need to ensure that whistleblowers do not flood the agencies and the courts with claims that are not properly documented and pegged to a cognizable legal violation.

Last year, for example, the SEC received thousands of whistleblower complaints but secured relief on less than 10. While many of these complaints may lack merit, some may be falling by the wayside because of a lack of understanding on the part of the whistleblower of what the SEC needs, and failures in communications and investigation by all concerned about the strengths and weakness of these cases.

There is a need to create a better relationship between whistleblowers, their counsel, and government regulators, to the common end that serious harm to the U.S. consumers can be exposed and deterred.

Earlier this month, Emory University School of Law convened a conference of whistleblower counsel and senior government regulators as part of a first step in helping these groups focus the relationship to better enforce compliance in a global economy. This was the first of what may be many dialogues that the Law School’s Center for Advocacy and Dispute Resolution hopes to convene with these parties.

How should claims be investigated before they are brought to government regulator attention? What types of claims are of interest to the government and important for establishing compliance precedent? How can government make better use of whistleblowers and their counsel? These types of issues were vetted by conference panelists.

As little as a decade ago, such a conference would be unprecedented. Yet, the world has changed markedly. Our regulatory bodies must monitor relationships across the globe while electronic communication has exponentially expanded the sea of information from which proof of wrongdoing must be culled.

In this new era, leveraging the resources of whistleblowers is consistent with a legal tradition that for more than a century has depended on the role of average citizens in enforcing the law.

By Paul Zwier and Reuben Guttman

Also, available on line at AJC.com

Effective Compliance Means Imposing Individual Liability

By Reuben A Guttman |

Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates said it in a memo dated September 9, 2015, and her successor, Rod Rosenstein, said it in remarks dated October 6, 2017: corporations act through individuals, and compliance enforcement must necessarily account for holding individuals liable for the wrongs they orchestrate under cover of the corporate umbrella.(1)

The logic is reasonable and necessary. We blame corporations for catastrophic environmental events(2), misbranded drugs that cause injury, and financial products that destroy the life savings of those who have toiled for a living; yet at the helm of the corporations—guiding their path of impropriety—are people, many of whom who have benefited handsomely from the corporate misconduct that they have captained. Unfortunately, in comparison to the guilty pleas that are taken by corporations, which cannot be put behind bars, prosecutors—both criminal and civil—barely scratch the surface when it comes to pursuing the individual human culprits.

This is not to say that there have been no criminal prosecutions of individuals for corporate crime. Insider trading cases are quite common, and when the wrongdoing has catastrophic consequences, as in Enron, Tyco, WorldCom, and the Madoff organization, prosecutors have put real people behind bars.(3)

There are, however, too many instances where individuals have put a corporation on a destructive tear, and still managed to elude personal liability. Considering that many of the large drug companies have either taken guilty pleas or paid fines to the government for conduct that has placed patients at risk by causing the consumption of powerful, unnecessary drugs, it is astounding that few, if any, pharmaceutical executives have been pursued criminally for conduct tantamount to battery.(4) Imagine, for example, if an intruder broke into your house, opened your medicine cabinet, and loaded the cabinet with bottles of pills that were either not medically necessary—or worse—could cause physical injury or illness? How far removed is this from marketing schemes that cause doctors to write prescriptions based on misinformation, that cause dangerous products to be placed in medicine cabinets and ultimately consumed? Or what about the drug companies that funnel kickbacks to doctors disguised as “speaker fees” or “consulting agreements” while monitoring prescription data to confirm that the doctors are writing the “scripts” as directed.

In 2012, Abbott Labs, one of the largest pharmaceutical companies in the world, plead guilty to illegally marketing the powerful drug, Depakote, which is a limited indication anti-epileptic. Among other things, Abbott marketed the drug to elderly patients in nursing homes for off-label purposes and for pediatric use, even though Depakote was not approved to treat anyone under the age of 18. After the entry of a guilty plea, the U.S. Attorney for the Western District of Virginia, Timothy Heaphy, noted in a Department of Justice press release that, “Abbott unlawfully targeted a vulnerable patient population, the elderly, through its off-labelpromotion.”(5) Think hard about this statement; a company that holds itself out as a manufacturer of life-saving drugs was knowingly placing patients at risk for the purpose of making a buck.

In 2013, Wyeth Pharmaceuticals agreed to pay $490.9 million in criminal and civil penalties for engaging in proscribed marketing practices regarding the prescription drug, Rapamune. Rapamune is an immuno- suppressive drug—that is, it prevents the body’s immune system from rejecting a transplanted organ. At the time of the guilty plea, Wyeth had merged into Pfizer, and was no longer a standalone entity. Wyeth plead guilty to a criminal information, charging it with a misbranding violation under the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act. In characterizing the case, Antoinette V. Henry, Special Agent in Charge of the Metro-Washington field office of the FDA’s Office of Criminal Investigations noted, “Wyeth’s conduct put profits ahead of the health and safety of a vulnerable patient population dependent on life sustaining therapy.”(6) Also in 2013, pharma- giant GlaxoSmithKline plead guilty and paid $3 billion to the government in order to resolve fraud allegations and the failure to report safety data. As part of a global settlement, the company also settled a series of civil claims under the False Claims Act, stemming from marketing derelictions including kickbacks.

Time and time again, large pharmaceutical companies have engaged in conduct that placed patients at risk, and, at times, caused real harm, yet, virtually no individual has been prosecuted or put behind bars.(7) The idea that misrepresentations, kickbacks, and assorted fraudulent schemes can be employed to cause patients to put drugs in their bodies at personal peril without anyone going to prison is stunning. Our jails have no shortage of inmates sentenced to long terms for selling illegal drugs and/or engaging in various batteries. Yet, when white collar executives engage in schemes to drive revenue by causing the consumption of extra drugs, or the use of drugs for improper purposes, individual liability is rare.

Consider that this nation is immersed in battling what the press now calls the “opioid crisis”(8) or the “opioid epidemic.” (9) This crisis reared its head at least a decade ago when the U.S. Attorney in the Western District of Virginia prosecuted the drug manufacturer Purdue Pharma, and three corporate executives for illegally marketing the drug Oxycontin. On July 23, 2007, the United States District Court for the Western District of Virginia (James P. Jones, Judge) issued an Opinion and Order approving a criminal plea agreement and summarizing its provisions. Among other misdeeds, during a six-year period, “certain Purdue supervisors and employees with the intent to defraud or mislead, marketed and promoted OxyContin as less addictive, less subject to abuse and diversion, and less likely to cause tolerance and withdrawal than any other pain medications.” Among an array of specific derelictions, Purdue representatives “told certain health care providers that Oxycontin did not cause a ‘buzz’ or euphoria, caused less euphoria, had less addiction potential, had less abuse potential, was less likely to be diverted than immediate-release opioids, and could be used to ‘weed out’ addicts and drug seekers.”(10) The court’s opinion noted that “Purdue has agreed that these facts are true, and that the individual defendants, while they do not agree that they had knowledge of these things, have agreed that the Court may accept these facts in support of their guilty pleas.” The plea agreement—accepted by the Court—called for Purdue to pay approximately $600 million to resolve civil and criminal claims. It also provided that no individual defendant would be incarcerated. In the absence of record proof of their culpability, the Court was left with no choice but to accept the agreement as to no prison time for individuals. Noting what we now know about the opioid problem, the Court made this ominous point:

I would have preferred that the plea agreements had allocated some amount of the money for the education of those at risk from the improper use of prescription drugs, and the treatment of those who have succumbed to such use. Prescription drug abuse is rampant in all areas of our country, particularly among the young people, causing untold misery and harm. The White House drug policy office estimates that such abuse rose seventeen percent from 2001 to 2005. That office reports that currently there are more new abusers of prescription drugs than users of any illicit drugs. As recently reported, “Young people mistakenly believe that prescription drugs are safer than street drugs. . . but accidental prescription drug deaths are rising and students who abuse pills are more likely to drive fast, binge-drink and engage in other dangerous behaviors.” Carla K. Johnson, Arrest Puts Spotlight on Prescription Drug Abuse, The Roanoke Times, July 6, 2007, at 4A. It has been estimated that there are more than 6.4 million prescription drug abusers in the United States.(11)

Fast-forward eleven years, and the opioid crisis—which commenced with pharmaceutical companies manufacturing and marketing opioids well beyond their legitimate demand—and we have a nation now addicted to drugs, with additional supplies flowing from Mexico and China. The origin of this crisis is not just the drug companies; it starts with the individuals who ran the drug companies, placing revenue generation ahead of medical need—perhaps because bonus structures and stock options made it personally advantageous.(12)

Today, legislators on Capitol Hill grouse about the cost of our healthcare system and debate what level of benefits should be reduced. Yet, few, if any, lawmakers focus on what should be a front-end question: how much money is being wasted through fraud and abuse? Few, if any lawmakers are even contemplating a second question: how much money is spent to treat injuries and illnesses attributable to drugs that should never have been taken? And few, if any, have contemplated how to change behavior by holding individuals accountable. And of course, few, if any, legislators have contemplated making drug companies pay for wide dissemination of honest information about their products as one Federal Judge in the Western District of Virginia contemplated over a decade ago.

At the end of the day, if there is a perception that only a legal fiction will be caught holding the bag (albeit a fiction impossible to imprison), corporations—and those individuals that control their conduct—will view civil and even criminal sanctions as simply the price for a license to break the law. And to company insiders—that is to say, the shareholders, officers and Directors—paying this fee for the license to break the law may be worth it if the analysis was simply a matter of dollars and cents.

In 2012, when Pfizer paid $2.3 billion to settle unlawful marketing claims involving a number of its products, it was a small price to pay for the right to engage in a history of conduct that generated a revenue stream in excess of $100 billion.(13) Moreover, it was a small price to pay for the right to poison the market for honest medical information and thus establish a standard of care that would generate a revenue stream in the years to come. Put simply, when companies engage in pervasive misbranding of their products over a period of years, they disseminate misinformation that then becomes the standard of care. While that standard may not be evidence based, it is still hard to undo. Hence, paying a mere dollar fine will not reset or correct the market for honest medical information; and so manufactures get the continued benefit of a standard of care which may encourage use of a product even though it is potentially harmful or not otherwise medically necessary.

It is not just a problem endemic to the pharmaceutical industry. An array of corporations routinely game the system seemingly calculating the penalties for non-compliance. Publicly traded big box stores routinely pollute our navigable waterways with runoffs from parking lots that aggregate toxic hydrocarbons from leaky vehicles. Similarly, manufacturing plants have created a legacy—and continue to do so—of groundwater contamination that will for centuries prevent the safe enjoyment of our aquifers and tributaries. They do so because the cost of preventing the harm may well exceed the fine.

The externalities of corporate greed are not only imposed on consumers. Labor lawyer, Jon Karmel, in his recent book, Dying to Work,(14) raises awareness of unsafe working conditions that have resulted in death and/or injury to workers. Karmel traveled the country to interview victims and their families and his book highlights how corporations have simply not placed a premium on protecting their workers from harm. Unfortunately, our laws make it too easy for employers to game out the penalty for unsafe workplaces. Workers compensation systems designed to provide injured workers with quick relief also cap liability by preventing direct causes of action for significant actual and punitive damages. There is no shortage of reports of coal miners toiling in unsafe mines replete with regulatory derelictions, who have lost life and/or limb in pursuit of company profit.(15) Yet, compensation systems cap the employer’s economic exposure and—again—at the end of the day, few, if any, individuals are held personally accountable.(16) For the corporation, the fix or preventative measures are often considered more expensive than the penalty.

Over the past year, the nation has come to realize what many have known as true for some time; that discrimination based on class, race, gender, and national origin festers in our workplaces. There may be few, if any, visible cross burnings in this century, but the internet and cyberspace are overflowing with evidence that the most vulgar forms of racism and gender discrimination are thriving even in the 21st century. Perhaps, some had thought, that the civil rights legislation of the 1960s struck a blow to discrimination, causing its demise. Although we sing the praises of this legislation, it too caps liability and limits the rights of the aggrieved. Consider Title VII of the 1964 civil rights act(17)—that statute requires that claims of discrimination be brought within six months.(18) Punitive damages are capped, and the courts have impeded plaintiffs from seeking redress on a class basis for wrongful conduct.(19) Other than damage to brand and reputation, employers can easily calculate the fee for the license to discriminate. Before the #MeToo movement, which now seemingly causes consumers to factor in a company’s compliance with laws proscribing discrimination in evaluating the integrity of a brand, derelictions of employment laws had less severe consequences for corporate wrongdoers. For years, Wal-Mart battled claims of pervasive gender discrimination without any significant impact on its brand. (20)

Against this backdrop, the regulators and those enforcing compliance routinely tout million, multi-million, and even billion-dollar settlements as evidence of efforts that change corporate behavior. But do these settlements really change behavior? The answer is no. If our laws are structured to allow corporate defendants to game out the penalty, corporate insiders will gauge the cost of noncompliance as the cost of doing business. Penalties that appear to be massive may be minimal when compared to the profits the corporation secured through wrongful conduct. If corporations can game out the price of non-compliance and individual wrongdoers can hide behind the corporate cloak and continue to collect bonuses based on unlawful corporate conduct, business will continue as usual. And this is the lesson for both regulators and lawmakers.

Reuben A. Guttman is a partner at Guttman, Buschner & Brooks, PLLC and has represented whistleblowers in cases against the pharmaceutical industry which have returned more than $5 Billion to the Federal and State governments. He is an Adjunct Professor at Emory Law School and a Senior Fellow at the Center for Advocacy and Dispute Resolution. He is also a member of the Board of the American Constitution Society. He extends thanks to his colleagues Traci Buchner, Justin Brooks, Liz Shofner, Caroline Poplin, MD, Dan Guttman, Paul Zwier, Richard Harpootlian, the Honorable Nancy Gertner, and Joy Bernstein, who have been a constant sounding board for these issues.

_____

  1. See “Individual Accountability for Corporate Wrongdoing,”U.S. Department of Justice (September 9, 2015) https://www.justice.gov/archives/dag/file/769036/download; Rod J. Rosenstein, Deputy Attorney General, Keynote Address at the NYU Program on Corporate Compliance & Enforcement (October 6, 2017) https://wp.nyu.edu/compliance_enforcement/2017/10/06/nyu-program-on-corporate-compliance-enforcement- keynote-address-october-6-2017/.
  2. “Deepwater Horizon,” U.S. Department of Justice: Environment and Natural Resources Division, https://www.justice.gov/enrd/deepwater-horizon.
  3. See Aaron Smith, “Madoff Arrives at N.C. Prison”, CNN:Money (stating Bernie Madoff, release date November 14, 2139, is inmate 61727-054 at the Butner Medium Security Prison) (July 14, 2009 2:19 PM) (http://money.cnn.com/2009/07/14/news/economy/madoff_prison_transfer/; Marcia Heroux Pounds, “Dennis Kozlowski, former Tyco CEO who went to prison, back in M&A business”, Sun-Sentinel (stating Tyco CEO Dennis Kozlowski spent six and one half years in prison and was released in 2015) (Jan. 11, 2017 6:26 PM) http://www.sun-sentinel.com/business/fl-dennis-kozlowski-life-after-prison-20170111-story.html;”Bernie Ebbers’ wife files for divorce,” NewsOK (Worldcom CEO, Bernard J Ebbers, release date July 4, 2028, is inmate number 56022-054 at the FMC Forth Worth Federal Prison) (April 23, 2008 4:48 AM) http://newsok.com/article/3233823; Rufus-Jenny Triplett, “Prisonworld View-Corporate CEO Gets Skimmed Sentence,” Dawah Interational, LLC (stating Former Enron CEO, Jeffrey K Skilling, release date February 21, 2019, is inmate number 29296-179 at the FPC Montgomery Federal Prison Camp) (May,15, 2015) http://prisonworldblogtalk.com/2015/05/15/prisonworld-view-corporate-ceo-gets-skimmed-sentence/.
  4. See, e.g., “Criminal Resolution”, U.S. Department of Justice: Glaxosmithkline Settlement Fact Sheet, https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/usao-ma/legacy/2012/10/09/Settlement_Fact_Sheet.pdf ; “Pfizer to Pay $2.3 Billion for Fraudulent Marketing,” U.S. Department of Justice: Justice Department Announces Largest Health Care Fraud Settlement in its History, https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department- announces-largest-health-care-fraud-settlement-its-history; Megan Stride, “Wyeth Paying $491 M to End Criminal, Civil Rapamune Cases”, Law360, https://www.law360.com/articles/461203/wyeth-paying-491m-to- end-criminal-civil-rapamune-cases
  5. See “Abbott Laboratories Sentenced for Misbranding Drug”, U.S. Department of Justice (October 2, 2012) https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/abbott-laboratories-sentenced-misbranding-drug.
  6. See “Wyeth Pharmaceuticals Agrees To Pay $490.0 Million For Marketing The Prescription Drug Rapamune For Unapproved Uses”, U.S. Department of Justice (July 30, 2012) https://www.justice.gov/usao-wdok/pr/wyeth-pharmaceuticals-agrees-pay-4909-million-marketing-prescription-drug-rapamune.
  7. See Erica Goode, “3 Schizophrenia Drugs May Raise Diabetes Risk, Study Says”, The New York Times (August 25, 2003) https://mobile.nytimes.com/2003/08/25/us/3-schizophrenia-drugs-may-raise- diabetes-risk-study-says.html.
  8. Opiod Crisis Fast Facts, CNN: Health, (March 2, 2018 9:25 AM) https://www.cnn.com/2017/09/18/health/opioid-crisis-fast-facts/index.html.
  9. M. Scott Brauer, “Inside a Killer Drug Epidemic: A Look at America’s Opioid Crisis, (Jan. 6, 2017) (according to the New York Times, “the opioid epidemic killed more than 33,000 people in 2015) https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/06/us/opioid-crisis-epidemic.html.
  10. United States v. Purdue Frederick Co., 963 F.Supp.2d 561 (W.D.Va. 2013).
  11. Id.
  12. See Reuters, U.S. Senator Sanders Introducing Bill Targeting Opioid Manufacturers, VOA: USA, (April 17, 2018 10:24 AM) (stating the idea of imposing harsher criminal penalties on drug company executives has been championed by Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders who has proposed the Opioid Crisis Accountability Act of 2018) https://www.voanews.com/a/us-senator-sanders-bill-opioids-manufacturers/4351732.html
  13. See Gardiner Harris, “Pfizer Pays $2.3 Billion to Settle Marketing Case”, The New York Times (September 2, 2009) https://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/03/business/03health.html.
  14. Karmel, Jon, Dying to Work, Cornell University Press (2017)
  15. See, e.g., Dana Ford, “Don Blankenship, ex-Massey Energy CEO, sentenced to a year in prison,” CNN, (April 6, 2016 11:29 PM) (explaining it was the explosion at Massey Energy’s Upper Big Branch mine which killed 29 people. Massey CEO Don Blankenship was ultimately convicted of a misdemeanor with regard to the skirting of safety regulations. He served one year in prison and is now a candidate for the United States Senate in West Virginia) https://www.cnn.com/2016/04/06/us/former-massey-energy-ceo-don- blankenship-sentenced/index.html; Nicole Gaudiano, “Don Blankenship, convicted ex-Massey CEO now Senate candidate, calls for more mine safety,” USAToday: OnPolitics, (April 4, 2018 6:43 PM) https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/onpolitics/2018/04/04/don-blankenship-convicted-massey-ceo- senate-candidate/487230002/.
  16. See “Dying to Work: Death and Injury in the American Workplace”, Cornell University Press (December 2017).
  17. 42 U.S.C § 2000e (1964).
  18. Dov Ohrenstein, “Limitation Periods–What’s the Limit,” Healys LLP, http://www.radcliffechambers.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/02/Limitation_seminar_-_Dov_Ohrenstein.pdf (Explaining in comparison to claims for contracts and most torts, six months is a very limited statute of limitations. Undoubtedly many claims die on the vine because they were not brought in time)
  19. See infra note 18.
  20. Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. v. Dukes, et al., 564 U.S. 338 (2011) (explaining the case is one of several cases impacting the ability to certify class action discrimination cases).

Federal prosecutors launch investigation of prominent surgeon who double-booked operations

Boston Globe | Jonathan Saltzman |

Federal prosecutors are investigating the billing practices of one of the nation’s highest-paid surgeons after a Spotlight Team report detailed that Dr. David B. Samadi ran two surgeries simultaneously on hundreds of occasions — a routine that colleagues said many patients did not know about.

Samadi, the chief of urology at Lenox Hill Hospital in Manhattan and a medical expert on Fox News, already is the focus of a state inquiry into how he handles his enormous caseload of prostate surgeries. Current and former Lenox Hill medical personnel say he typically relied on unsupervised residents who were still learning how to do surgery.

Now, the US attorney’s office in Manhattan is looking at Samadi, too. Federal law prohibits surgeons at teaching hospitals from billing Medicare for two simultaneous operations unless the doctor was present for all “critical parts.”

“My Office has an open investigation into the billing practices of Dr. David Samadi,” wrote Assistant US Attorney Jessica Jean Hu to the Spotlight Team in an unsolicited e-mail late last month seeking information from the Globe, which published a story about Samadi in March.

A spokeswoman for the office said no one would comment further on the investigation, which appears to be focusing on potential civil violations rather than crimes.

Samadi’s office referred questions about the federal probe to Lenox Hill. Barbara Osborn, a spokeswoman for Lenox Hill’s parent company, said the Globe inquiry was the first time the hospital administration had heard about it.

“Neither Lenox Hill Hospital nor its parent, Northwell Health, is aware of any federal investigation into Dr. Samadi’s billing practices,” she said.

Reuben Guttman, a Washington, D.C., lawyer who has represented clients in federal cases alleging health-care fraud, said it was extraordinary for a prosecutor to disclose an open investigation.

The e-mail to the Globe, he said, was a “clear signal that the matter of concurrent surgeries is extremely material to the payment of Medicare and Medicaid funds.”

The federal investigation of Samadi comes amid a growing national debate over an operating room practice that was largely unknown to the public until late 2015, when the Spotlight Team published a story about simultaneous operations at Massachusetts General Hospital. There, over the objections of several colleagues, a handful of top orthopedic surgeons would sometimes schedule two operations that overlapped for hours, requiring them to shuttle back and forth between rooms to tend to their unconscious patients.

MGH strenuously defended its practices and said its own review showed that patient care was never compromised. There have been few independent studies into whether double-booked surgery patients are more likely to suffer complications, and there is no definitive evidence that they are.

But since the Spotlight report, the US Senate Finance Committee has urged hospitals to more strictly enforce Medicare rules limiting the practice. And the nation’s largest association of surgeons has revised its guidelines for such surgeries, saying patients must be informed whenever doctors run more than one operating room at a time.

Lenox Hill officials previously confirmed that Samadi uses two operating rooms at once, but said he was present for the entirety of “major surgeries,” that he performs all robotic surgeries himself, and that his “primary concern and priority has always been the well-being of his patients.” Osborn, the hospital spokeswoman, had also acknowledged the investigation by the state medical conduct board and said the hospital would cooperate.

Lenox Hill data obtained by the Spotlight Team showed that Samadi overlapped one case with another at some point in about 70 percent of his roughly 2,200 operations between mid-2013 and mid-2016. Hundreds of times, one operation overlapped completely with another. Most of the overlapping cases occurred when he was doing a robot-assisted prostate operation in one room and had a conventional procedure going in a second.

Six medical personnel told the Globe early this year that urology residents do the vast majority of Samadi’s nonrobotic surgeries, including two-hour operations to trim away excess prostate tissue blocking urine flow.

In fact, residents who train in Lenox Hill’s urology department complained in an anonymous 2015 survey that Samadi wasn’t teaching them the intricacies of robotic surgery at all, according to medical personnel and a letter written by the agency that accredits residency programs, called the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education, or ACGME.

In 2015 and 2016, the council gave Lenox Hill a warning when it reaccredited the urology residency program, citing the survey responses and other factors. In August of this year, the accrediting agency downgraded the program further, putting it on probation. That means the program “has failed to demonstrate substantial compliance” with ACGME requirements, according to the agency’s regulations.

Lenox Hill replaced Samadi as director of the residency program in July. Osborn said the hospital’s parent company decided it didn’t want department chairs to also run residency programs.

An ACGME spokeswoman would not specify reasons for the probationary accreditation. But a veteran urologist affiliated with Lenox Hill said it means the program is in danger of losing accreditation, which would end the use of residents by the department and mean a loss in federal funding.

“It’s a disgrace,” said the urologist, who insisted on anonymity for fear of reprisals.

Osborn, the hospital spokeswoman, said Lenox Hill only recently received ACGME’s findings and that “a specific action plan has yet to be developed.”

Samadi is one of the highest-paid surgeons in the country, earning $6.7 million in 2015 and attracting international patients and well-known personalities, such as “Today Show” host Matt Lauer. Although his website boasts gushing testimonials from satisfied patients, other patients have questioned how much of a role he really had in their operations.

Peter Nadler, a retired restaurateur in Manhattan, told the Globe last winter that he barely saw Samadi the day of his 2015 operation for an enlarged prostate, and that his libido vanished after the procedure, a known risk of the surgery. In January, he said, he confronted Samadi about whether the urologist or another doctor did the operation.

“That’s a horrible thing to say to your doctor,” Samadi replied, according to Nadler’s wife, Lorraine, who accompanied him to the meeting. Records obtained by the Globe show that Samadi had another operating room going for all but 25 minutes of Nadler’s case.

Jonathan Saltzman can be reached at jonathan.saltzman
@globe.com.

Article available on line here.

1 2 3 4 5